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Jolting political drama
By
Phyllis Thomas, News Editor
There
is never a dull moment in Jamaica and this election period
is proving it.
First
it was People's National Party's (PNP) mammoth mass rally
in Half-Way Tree last Sunday, the Jamaica Labour Party's (JLP)
cancellation of theirs on Monday, and the health of the Prime
Minister that dominated the news early last week. Then by
mid-week the JLP fired a salvo that sent tongues wagging throughout
the length and breadth of the country.
The
JLP played its ace card - Bruce Golding.
The
man who had walked away from the JLP in 1995 with a mission
to rid the political system in Jamaica of the "tribalisms
and corruption and the tyranny which it has come to represent,"
has returned to the party.
So
Jamaicans are fired up by these developments in the country's
politics especially as their date with the ballots gets closer.
But
if we follow the JLP then and the National Democratic Movement
(NDM) now, Bruce Golding is the biggest villain in Jamaica.
When he left the JLP in 1995 the party accused him of running
off with JLP ideas for the nation. Now Brascoe Lee, talking
to Cliff Hughes on the Nationwide radio programme Thursday
night, said that Mr. Golding took with him to the JLP, "the
whole roll of fabric" belonging to the NDM.
This
man, Mr. Golding, probably possesses the hide of a rhino.
Either that or he has such a big heart that he is able to
rise above the political whacking that he got in 1995 and
that which he is getting now.
A
cantankerous-sounding Seaga, declared in October 1995 that
it should not be a problem for the NDM to find a new symbol,
and suggested that "30 pieces of silver will do."
Two
months later, he said to delegates at the JLP's annual conference
that Mr. Golding has no stomach for leadership.
On
Thursday, a bitter and admittedly angry Brascoe Lee said Mr.
Golding by going back to the JLP prostituted himself and prostituted
the NDM. He said Mr. Golding was spineless. And Mr. Golding
didn't even form the NDM. It was the Western 11 dissidents
in the JLP who formed it and handed it to him. And the reforms
that he is mouthing are not his either. They were articulated
by others who helped form the NDM, Mr. Lee said.
Callers
to radio talk shows battered him too and journalists gave
him a verbal backsiding for sacrificing his credibility on
the altar of political expediency.
When
Bruce Golding abandoned the lighthouse and walked back into
the bell-ringing fold of the JLP was he thinking in the interest
of Jamaica? Was the move by the JLP taken with the Jamaican
people in mind? What role, if any, does the holding of state
power play in this?
Let
us examine it.
Mr.
Golding said that he and the JLP had made a major breakthrough
in getting some agreement on some major issues. A seven-point
Memoran-dum of Understanding paved the way for his return
to the party. Furthermore, the wreckage that the PNP made
of the economy had an influence on his decision to return.
Though
the JLP's current position on constitutional reform is a majority
decision rather than a unanimous one, it's the party's position
nonetheless. What is important, however, is that the separation
of powers which Mr. Golding and the abandoned NDM embrace,
will, according to the first point in the MOU, be re-examined
by the party.
It
is important because the JLP is going to re-examine the issue
whether or not it wins the election. That is implicit in the
agreement, but if I am reading too much into it, then point
number one in the MOU is hardly a concession. And Westminster
would remain the JLP's official position. Argument dun! And
we all know how it is when argument dun. If Mr. Golding continues
to push it he may very well find himself being flung head-ways
out of the party this time, because he would have out-lived
his usefulness, especially if there is merit to the charges
of political expediency. Elections are over for now.
The
agreement is that if the party wins the election, Jamai-cans
will, via a referendum, get to choose which the system of
government they want.
Point
No. 2 in the MOU states: "It is acknowledged that political
tribalism and the culture of tribal politics have had a destructive
effect on the society and the democratic process. The JLP
in consultation with other political parties and civil society
organisations will develop practical initiatives to ensure,
as far as possible, the elimination of political tribalism.
These initiatives will include the relevant recommendations
of the Wolfe Task Force on Crime, the National Committee on
Political Tribalism and the National Committee on Crime."
That
is probably the greatest challenge in the MOU because it speaks
to a system that has become part of the political culture
of Jamaica. It has made some politicians, kept some in power,
created the power base of some who were ordinary people. It
has given some people riches - blood-soaked riches. Letting
go will mean dismantling the structure of JLP garrisons as
we know them. Two of the 15 garrisons in Jamaica are identified
as the JLP's colour green. They would never be the same
again. The ripple effect of that would mean political wilderness
for the party.
When
Mr. Seaga in 1995 accused Bruce Golding of stealing his ideas,
Mr. Golding in response to that quoted from a document published
June 12, 1995 in which Mr. Seaga is supposed to have said
that the kind of politics that the country needs could not
be effected in our lifetime. To that Mr. Golding had responded,
"Bruce Golding is impatient, it must be effected in my
lifetime."
If
Mr. Seaga still believes that these kinds of political changes
cannot be effected in our lifetime then Bruce Golding has
been tricked into returning to the JLP. Conversely it can
be argued, that if Bruce Golding is, as he said, impatient
and wants to see changes in his lifetime, and if sees the
NDM incapable of accelerating that process then the move is
not mere expediency.
Also,
what Mr. Golding is doing is making a statement about the
NDM, the party that he helped form. When he formed that party
he said that it was with the intention of changing the present
political and constitutional system. The NDM was the alternative
and an agent for meaningful change, turning its back on tribalism,
exclusion, division, and would instead reflect the essence
of true democracy in each aspect of its being. By his action
he is now saying that the NDM is a failure. It cannot make
those changes. It is headed for the political scrap heap.
Some
analysts say that the MOU amounts to nothing. I do not agree
with them, based on what I have discussed above. Apart from
that, however, there are some utterances that Mr. Golding
made in the past about Mr. Seaga which are coming back to
haunt him because they strengthen the arguments of his critics.
In
1995 when he and Mr. Seaga warred over Mr. Golding's French
Street, Spanish Town constituency office, Mr. Golding told
Mr. Seaga to lift his politics "from the level of churlishness".
Statements made by Mr. Seaga he said then were "malicious"
and "intemperate". Seven years later he is willing
to associate with this "ill-mannered" person, who
is capable of issuing "malicious and "intemperate"
statements about people.
Although
I don't remember him saying that he would never return to
the JLP he certainly gave that impression. This is so unlike
his colleague Karl Samuda. I remember an interview I did with
Mr. Samuda when he had left the JLP and went to the PNP. Because
of his colourful description of Mr. Seaga as a "little
despot" and how he publicly "broke" the bell
the symbol of the JLP, I asked him if he would ever
return to the JLP. His answer was, "I never say never."
We all know how he went back to the JLP and infuriated the
scorned PNP so much that they ridiculed him in that infamous
advertisement "cock mouth kill cock".
I
do not have a problem with Mr. Golding's return to the JLP.
What I take issue with is the process. Mr. Golding owed it
to the NDM to personally tell them of his decision to leave
the party. Instructing Wayne Chen, his close friend and former
NDM colleague to talk to President Hyacinth Bennett, is not
enough. That was a mistake and he admitted as much at Friday's
Gleaner Editors Forum.
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